Everyday Use

A Contrast between Dee and Maggie’s View Concerning Their Heritage In my writing essay I shall analyze the way in which heritage can be conceived in Alice Walker’s novel Everyday Use, trying to point out the author’s main ideas concerning the theme of the story. I would also try to describe the two daughter’s points of view, Dee and Maggie’s, about their ancestral heritage. The contrast between these two daughters is more than obvious not only in their appearance but also in their behavior when it comes to quilts from their grandmother. Everyday Use is a story narrated by a rural black woman, who is the mother of the two girls Maggie and Dee Johnson. Mrs. Johnson, is a simple woman but who, in spite of all difficulties that she passed through, she tried to give her daughters if possible, a good education and of course the most important thing, to make them aware of what heritage is indeed, the fact that traditional culture and heritage is not represented only by the possession of old objects, but also by one’s behavior and customs. She outlines in the story that she is not a very educated woman, but this does not mean that the lack of education is also reflected in her capacity to understand, to love and to respect her ancestors. Since the beginning of the story, the narrator makes obvious the contrast between Maggie and her elder sister Dee. Dee is a very ambitious girl, with a well-defined character, the one who had always been successful and ambitious. Maggie thinks â€Å"her sister has held life, always in the palm of one hand, that â€Å"no† is a word the world never learned to say to her. (Walker 2469). Dee denies her real heritage by changing her given name, after her aunt Dee, to the superficially more impressive one Wangero Leewanik Kemanjo, arguing to her mother that â€Å"Dee is dead and I couldn’t bear it any longer, being named after the people who oppress me† ( Walker 2472), what she does in fact is to reject her family identity. She inspires in her mother â€Å"a sort of aw e and fear more suitable to the advent of a goddess than the love one might expect a mother to feel for a returning daughter† (Farell, â€Å"Flight†). On the other hand, Maggie is the type of simple girl, like her mother, with little education. She is not ambitious like her sister Dee, living somehow in her mother’s shadow. But this might be also because Maggie hadn’t her sister luck and she burned severely in the house fire when she was a child, becoming now a shy and fearful person. These features are more visible in her attitude while waiting for her sister to come home. Mama is projecting her own anger and frustration onto her younger daughter when she speculates that Maggie will be cowed by Dee’s arrival. Maggie will be nervous until after her sister goes: she will stand hopelessly in corners homely and ashamed of the burn scars down her arms and legs, eyeing her sister with a mixture of envy and awe† ( Walker 2469). As Marianne Hirsch says in one of her critical essays: â€Å"the mother sees in Maggie’s angerless, fear an image of her own passive acceptance of Dee’s aggression, her ow n suppressed anger† Moreover, we can see through the lines of this story that, at the beginning, Dee was the daughter that mother preferred most because of her authority and because she wanted to succeed in life by following her instincts. But when she saw her totally changed, not only physically but also in her mentality, mother realized that Maggie was the one that understood the meaning of â€Å"heritage† and tried to give her justice. It is relevant â€Å"Mama’s awakening to one’s daughter’s superficiality and to the other’s deep-seated understanding of heritage† ( Tuten, â€Å"Alice Walker’s Everyday Use† ). However, Dee seems to despise her sister, her mother and the church that helped to educate her. Intentionally or not, she is selfish and she treats her sister with indifference. While Dee escaped from the poor life she was supposed to live, Maggie, next to her mother, represents the multitude of black women who must suffer. Scarred, graceless, not bright and uneducated, â€Å"Maggie is a living reproach to a survivor like her sister† (Cowart, â€Å"Heritage†) . The contradictions about heritage and culture between Maggie and Dee become more extensive when the quilts take part from the story. After dinner, Dee discovers some old quilts which belonged to her grandmother. She is very excited that found them, thinking that these quilts represent the testament of her ancestors. Without taking into account Maggie’s opinion, she asks her mother if she can have those quilts, arguing that she is the only one who can appreciate and have the right to keep them. At first, mother hesitates to give her an answer and offers her other quilts but Dee gets upset and then mother explains to her that the quilts were from Maggie as a wedding gift. Maggie’s tolerance in the story contrasts with Dee’s boldness. When Dee insists that her sister would ruin grandma’s quilts by using them everyday, and that hanging the quilts would be the only way to preserve them, Maggie â€Å" like somebody used to never wining anything, or having anything reserved for her† says â€Å" She can have them, Mama. I can remember Grandma Dee without the quilts† (Walker, 2474). Mrs. Johnson then realizes what makes Maggie different form her sister. She sees her scarred hands hidden in her skirt and says: â€Å"When I looked at her like that something hit me in the top of my head and ran down to the soles of my feet. Just like when I’m in the church and the spirit of God touches me and I get happy and shout† (Walker, 2475). This powerful feelings determines Mama to do something she had never done before: â€Å"she snatched the quilts out of Miss Wangero’s hands and dumped them into Maggie’s lap† ( Walker, 2475). Mama’s behavior here is almost like Dee’s because she rebuffs her wishes for the first time and give justice to the most patient Maggie. The fact that she takes the quilts from Dee and gives them to Maggie, â€Å"she confirms her younger daughter’s self-worth: metaphorically, she gives Maggie her voice† ( Tuten, â€Å"Alice Walker’s Everyday Use† ). In conclusion, I can say that Everyday Use is a story about understanding heritage. This concept is very well exposed by the two characters Alice Walker created, Dee and Maggie. These two daughters have a completely different view in what concerns the heritage from their ancestors; in this case their origins and their inheritance, the quilts from Grandma Dee. Maggie is the one who understands that heritage is about respecting family’s traditions and customs while Dee destroys the traditional image kept by Mrs. Johnson and her sister. She denies her true origins by changing the given name into more fashionable one, Wangero Leewanik Kemanjo. One should appreciate his legacy because it represents indeed what we are. We can not hide our roots and even if we want, this would not be possible because it always remains present in our souls and our minds, we like it or not. WORKES CITED PRIMARY SOURCE: Walker, Alice. Everyday Use. In Love and Trouble: Stories of Black Women New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1973. SECONDARY SOURCE: Cowart, David . †Heritage and deracination in Walker's â€Å"Everyday Use. † Studies in Short Fiction. FindArticles. com. Farrell Susan. â€Å"Fight vs. Flight: a re-evaluation of Dee in Alice Walker’s â€Å"Everyday Use†- Critical Essay†. Studies in Short Fiction. FindArticles. com. Hirsch, Marianne. â€Å"Clytemnestra’s Children: Writing the Mother’s Anger. † Alice Walker: Modern Critical Views. Ed. Harold Bloom. New York: Chelsea House, 1989. Tuten, Nancy. â€Å"Alice Walker’s Everyday Use. † The Explicator 51. 2,1993 Everyday Use Everyday Use Symbolism The Quilts These quilts represent Mama's family and her heritage, they were made by Grandma Dee and Big Dee. Symbolically, each piece of material was made from scraps of clothing that once belonged to someone in their family, including pieces of their great-grandfather's Civil War uniform. . To Maggie, they represent her family; she still remembers with love her grandmother who made one of them and she says it is okay if Dee takes them because she does not need the quilts to remember Grandma Dee. To Dee, however, the quilts have no emotional value.She regards them as a type of folk art that will look impressive hanging upon her walls. (Dee embraces her African heritage while rejecting her personal family history. ) Mama gives those quilts to Maggie because she knows Maggie, unlike Dee, will honor the culture and heritage by using it, or continuing it the way it was originally intended. ‘Maggie can's appreciate these quilts! she said. ‘She'd probably be backward enough to put them to everyday use. ‘ The Butter Churn and the Dasher The author also uses the butter churn and the dasher as a symbol to show mama’s understands of heritage.When Mama takes the dasher handle in her hands, she is symbolically touching the hands of all those who used it before her. Her appreciation for the dasher and the quits is based on the love fort the people who made use of them. Dee wants to use the churn top as a centerpiece for the alcove table and do something creative with the dasher. Mama views and honors her heritage as practical by appreciating what she acquired from previous generations and putting the passed down items into everyday use. Dee views and honors her heritage as superficial by appreciating the passed down items for their materialistic and artistic value Everyday Use A Contrast between Dee and Maggie’s View Concerning Their Heritage In my writing essay I shall analyze the way in which heritage can be conceived in Alice Walker’s novel Everyday Use, trying to point out the author’s main ideas concerning the theme of the story. I would also try to describe the two daughter’s points of view, Dee and Maggie’s, about their ancestral heritage. The contrast between these two daughters is more than obvious not only in their appearance but also in their behavior when it comes to quilts from their grandmother. Everyday Use is a story narrated by a rural black woman, who is the mother of the two girls Maggie and Dee Johnson. Mrs. Johnson, is a simple woman but who, in spite of all difficulties that she passed through, she tried to give her daughters if possible, a good education and of course the most important thing, to make them aware of what heritage is indeed, the fact that traditional culture and heritage is not represented only by the possession of old objects, but also by one’s behavior and customs. She outlines in the story that she is not a very educated woman, but this does not mean that the lack of education is also reflected in her capacity to understand, to love and to respect her ancestors. Since the beginning of the story, the narrator makes obvious the contrast between Maggie and her elder sister Dee. Dee is a very ambitious girl, with a well-defined character, the one who had always been successful and ambitious. Maggie thinks â€Å"her sister has held life, always in the palm of one hand, that â€Å"no† is a word the world never learned to say to her. (Walker 2469). Dee denies her real heritage by changing her given name, after her aunt Dee, to the superficially more impressive one Wangero Leewanik Kemanjo, arguing to her mother that â€Å"Dee is dead and I couldn’t bear it any longer, being named after the people who oppress me† ( Walker 2472), what she does in fact is to reject her family identity. She inspires in her mother â€Å"a sort of aw e and fear more suitable to the advent of a goddess than the love one might expect a mother to feel for a returning daughter† (Farell, â€Å"Flight†). On the other hand, Maggie is the type of simple girl, like her mother, with little education. She is not ambitious like her sister Dee, living somehow in her mother’s shadow. But this might be also because Maggie hadn’t her sister luck and she burned severely in the house fire when she was a child, becoming now a shy and fearful person. These features are more visible in her attitude while waiting for her sister to come home. Mama is projecting her own anger and frustration onto her younger daughter when she speculates that Maggie will be cowed by Dee’s arrival. Maggie will be nervous until after her sister goes: she will stand hopelessly in corners homely and ashamed of the burn scars down her arms and legs, eyeing her sister with a mixture of envy and awe† ( Walker 2469). As Marianne Hirsch says in one of her critical essays: â€Å"the mother sees in Maggie’s angerless, fear an image of her own passive acceptance of Dee’s aggression, her ow n suppressed anger† Moreover, we can see through the lines of this story that, at the beginning, Dee was the daughter that mother preferred most because of her authority and because she wanted to succeed in life by following her instincts. But when she saw her totally changed, not only physically but also in her mentality, mother realized that Maggie was the one that understood the meaning of â€Å"heritage† and tried to give her justice. It is relevant â€Å"Mama’s awakening to one’s daughter’s superficiality and to the other’s deep-seated understanding of heritage† ( Tuten, â€Å"Alice Walker’s Everyday Use† ). However, Dee seems to despise her sister, her mother and the church that helped to educate her. Intentionally or not, she is selfish and she treats her sister with indifference. While Dee escaped from the poor life she was supposed to live, Maggie, next to her mother, represents the multitude of black women who must suffer. Scarred, graceless, not bright and uneducated, â€Å"Maggie is a living reproach to a survivor like her sister† (Cowart, â€Å"Heritage†) . The contradictions about heritage and culture between Maggie and Dee become more extensive when the quilts take part from the story. After dinner, Dee discovers some old quilts which belonged to her grandmother. She is very excited that found them, thinking that these quilts represent the testament of her ancestors. Without taking into account Maggie’s opinion, she asks her mother if she can have those quilts, arguing that she is the only one who can appreciate and have the right to keep them. At first, mother hesitates to give her an answer and offers her other quilts but Dee gets upset and then mother explains to her that the quilts were from Maggie as a wedding gift. Maggie’s tolerance in the story contrasts with Dee’s boldness. When Dee insists that her sister would ruin grandma’s quilts by using them everyday, and that hanging the quilts would be the only way to preserve them, Maggie â€Å" like somebody used to never wining anything, or having anything reserved for her† says â€Å" She can have them, Mama. I can remember Grandma Dee without the quilts† (Walker, 2474). Mrs. Johnson then realizes what makes Maggie different form her sister. She sees her scarred hands hidden in her skirt and says: â€Å"When I looked at her like that something hit me in the top of my head and ran down to the soles of my feet. Just like when I’m in the church and the spirit of God touches me and I get happy and shout† (Walker, 2475). This powerful feelings determines Mama to do something she had never done before: â€Å"she snatched the quilts out of Miss Wangero’s hands and dumped them into Maggie’s lap† ( Walker, 2475). Mama’s behavior here is almost like Dee’s because she rebuffs her wishes for the first time and give justice to the most patient Maggie. The fact that she takes the quilts from Dee and gives them to Maggie, â€Å"she confirms her younger daughter’s self-worth: metaphorically, she gives Maggie her voice† ( Tuten, â€Å"Alice Walker’s Everyday Use† ). In conclusion, I can say that Everyday Use is a story about understanding heritage. This concept is very well exposed by the two characters Alice Walker created, Dee and Maggie. These two daughters have a completely different view in what concerns the heritage from their ancestors; in this case their origins and their inheritance, the quilts from Grandma Dee. Maggie is the one who understands that heritage is about respecting family’s traditions and customs while Dee destroys the traditional image kept by Mrs. Johnson and her sister. She denies her true origins by changing the given name into more fashionable one, Wangero Leewanik Kemanjo. One should appreciate his legacy because it represents indeed what we are. We can not hide our roots and even if we want, this would not be possible because it always remains present in our souls and our minds, we like it or not. WORKES CITED PRIMARY SOURCE: Walker, Alice. Everyday Use. In Love and Trouble: Stories of Black Women New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1973. SECONDARY SOURCE: Cowart, David . †Heritage and deracination in Walker's â€Å"Everyday Use. † Studies in Short Fiction. FindArticles. com. Farrell Susan. â€Å"Fight vs. Flight: a re-evaluation of Dee in Alice Walker’s â€Å"Everyday Use†- Critical Essay†. Studies in Short Fiction. FindArticles. com. Hirsch, Marianne. â€Å"Clytemnestra’s Children: Writing the Mother’s Anger. † Alice Walker: Modern Critical Views. Ed. Harold Bloom. New York: Chelsea House, 1989. Tuten, Nancy. â€Å"Alice Walker’s Everyday Use. † The Explicator 51. 2,1993 Everyday Use A Contrast between Dee and Maggie’s View Concerning Their Heritage In my writing essay I shall analyze the way in which heritage can be conceived in Alice Walker’s novel Everyday Use, trying to point out the author’s main ideas concerning the theme of the story. I would also try to describe the two daughter’s points of view, Dee and Maggie’s, about their ancestral heritage. The contrast between these two daughters is more than obvious not only in their appearance but also in their behavior when it comes to quilts from their grandmother. Everyday Use is a story narrated by a rural black woman, who is the mother of the two girls Maggie and Dee Johnson. Mrs. Johnson, is a simple woman but who, in spite of all difficulties that she passed through, she tried to give her daughters if possible, a good education and of course the most important thing, to make them aware of what heritage is indeed, the fact that traditional culture and heritage is not represented only by the possession of old objects, but also by one’s behavior and customs. She outlines in the story that she is not a very educated woman, but this does not mean that the lack of education is also reflected in her capacity to understand, to love and to respect her ancestors. Since the beginning of the story, the narrator makes obvious the contrast between Maggie and her elder sister Dee. Dee is a very ambitious girl, with a well-defined character, the one who had always been successful and ambitious. Maggie thinks â€Å"her sister has held life, always in the palm of one hand, that â€Å"no† is a word the world never learned to say to her. (Walker 2469). Dee denies her real heritage by changing her given name, after her aunt Dee, to the superficially more impressive one Wangero Leewanik Kemanjo, arguing to her mother that â€Å"Dee is dead and I couldn’t bear it any longer, being named after the people who oppress me† ( Walker 2472), what she does in fact is to reject her family identity. She inspires in her mother â€Å"a sort of aw e and fear more suitable to the advent of a goddess than the love one might expect a mother to feel for a returning daughter† (Farell, â€Å"Flight†). On the other hand, Maggie is the type of simple girl, like her mother, with little education. She is not ambitious like her sister Dee, living somehow in her mother’s shadow. But this might be also because Maggie hadn’t her sister luck and she burned severely in the house fire when she was a child, becoming now a shy and fearful person. These features are more visible in her attitude while waiting for her sister to come home. Mama is projecting her own anger and frustration onto her younger daughter when she speculates that Maggie will be cowed by Dee’s arrival. Maggie will be nervous until after her sister goes: she will stand hopelessly in corners homely and ashamed of the burn scars down her arms and legs, eyeing her sister with a mixture of envy and awe† ( Walker 2469). As Marianne Hirsch says in one of her critical essays: â€Å"the mother sees in Maggie’s angerless, fear an image of her own passive acceptance of Dee’s aggression, her ow n suppressed anger† Moreover, we can see through the lines of this story that, at the beginning, Dee was the daughter that mother preferred most because of her authority and because she wanted to succeed in life by following her instincts. But when she saw her totally changed, not only physically but also in her mentality, mother realized that Maggie was the one that understood the meaning of â€Å"heritage† and tried to give her justice. It is relevant â€Å"Mama’s awakening to one’s daughter’s superficiality and to the other’s deep-seated understanding of heritage† ( Tuten, â€Å"Alice Walker’s Everyday Use† ). However, Dee seems to despise her sister, her mother and the church that helped to educate her. Intentionally or not, she is selfish and she treats her sister with indifference. While Dee escaped from the poor life she was supposed to live, Maggie, next to her mother, represents the multitude of black women who must suffer. Scarred, graceless, not bright and uneducated, â€Å"Maggie is a living reproach to a survivor like her sister† (Cowart, â€Å"Heritage†) . The contradictions about heritage and culture between Maggie and Dee become more extensive when the quilts take part from the story. After dinner, Dee discovers some old quilts which belonged to her grandmother. She is very excited that found them, thinking that these quilts represent the testament of her ancestors. Without taking into account Maggie’s opinion, she asks her mother if she can have those quilts, arguing that she is the only one who can appreciate and have the right to keep them. At first, mother hesitates to give her an answer and offers her other quilts but Dee gets upset and then mother explains to her that the quilts were from Maggie as a wedding gift. Maggie’s tolerance in the story contrasts with Dee’s boldness. When Dee insists that her sister would ruin grandma’s quilts by using them everyday, and that hanging the quilts would be the only way to preserve them, Maggie â€Å" like somebody used to never wining anything, or having anything reserved for her† says â€Å" She can have them, Mama. I can remember Grandma Dee without the quilts† (Walker, 2474). Mrs. Johnson then realizes what makes Maggie different form her sister. She sees her scarred hands hidden in her skirt and says: â€Å"When I looked at her like that something hit me in the top of my head and ran down to the soles of my feet. Just like when I’m in the church and the spirit of God touches me and I get happy and shout† (Walker, 2475). This powerful feelings determines Mama to do something she had never done before: â€Å"she snatched the quilts out of Miss Wangero’s hands and dumped them into Maggie’s lap† ( Walker, 2475). Mama’s behavior here is almost like Dee’s because she rebuffs her wishes for the first time and give justice to the most patient Maggie. The fact that she takes the quilts from Dee and gives them to Maggie, â€Å"she confirms her younger daughter’s self-worth: metaphorically, she gives Maggie her voice† ( Tuten, â€Å"Alice Walker’s Everyday Use† ). In conclusion, I can say that Everyday Use is a story about understanding heritage. This concept is very well exposed by the two characters Alice Walker created, Dee and Maggie. These two daughters have a completely different view in what concerns the heritage from their ancestors; in this case their origins and their inheritance, the quilts from Grandma Dee. Maggie is the one who understands that heritage is about respecting family’s traditions and customs while Dee destroys the traditional image kept by Mrs. Johnson and her sister. She denies her true origins by changing the given name into more fashionable one, Wangero Leewanik Kemanjo. One should appreciate his legacy because it represents indeed what we are. We can not hide our roots and even if we want, this would not be possible because it always remains present in our souls and our minds, we like it or not. WORKES CITED PRIMARY SOURCE: Walker, Alice. Everyday Use. In Love and Trouble: Stories of Black Women New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1973. SECONDARY SOURCE: Cowart, David . †Heritage and deracination in Walker's â€Å"Everyday Use. † Studies in Short Fiction. FindArticles. com. Farrell Susan. â€Å"Fight vs. Flight: a re-evaluation of Dee in Alice Walker’s â€Å"Everyday Use†- Critical Essay†. Studies in Short Fiction. FindArticles. com. Hirsch, Marianne. â€Å"Clytemnestra’s Children: Writing the Mother’s Anger. † Alice Walker: Modern Critical Views. Ed. Harold Bloom. New York: Chelsea House, 1989. Tuten, Nancy. â€Å"Alice Walker’s Everyday Use. † The Explicator 51. 2,1993

Tragic Hero: Creon or Antigone

Joachim Ogundipe English Comp 2 Tragic Hero: Antigone or Creon? In Antigone, a play written by Sophocles, the characters Creon and Antigone both fit into a few of Aristotle’s criteria. They are both choices of tragic heroes. They both are neither good nor evil in the extreme but just a man like any of us; they are both born of a better social status than most of us, and both have a tragic flaw in their characters. But even though the story is called Antigone, it is not necessary for Antigone to be the tragic hero. Other things that only Creon does that make him the tragic hero should be responsible for his downfall, the misfortune they get should be greater than what he deserves, and should also have recognition of a truth about himself. By many of Creons actions, he shows all of the characteristics of a tragic hero and fits in these descriptions perfectly. Creon fits in all of the characteristics of Aristotle’s criteria and is the tragic hero. Creon is neither good nor bad. He is not completely bad because he didn’t really want to kill Antigone. Instead, he just wanted to keep all of the laws in order to make his men follow his orders. He was just a stubborn man who wanted to show his people that he was a man of his word. Creon is the king in the play and he is definitely more powerful than the rest of the characters. Creon makes it a point to show of his pride. Self-pride is the tragic flaw Creon faces in this play. He showed so much arrogance in every decision he made. Creon insisted on punishing Antigone and would not change his mind. He is responsible for his own downfall. Even though Creon sentenced Antigone, his misfortune is way worse than hers. All he wanted was to keep his country at peace, and did not want to let people go against his laws. In conclusion, the play titled Antigone by Sophocles has Creon as the tragic hero. Creon shows all of the characteristics of a tragic hero. He is neither good nor bad in the extreme, he is in a high status than us, he receives pity through the audience, recognizes his weakness, and his downfall comes from his own self-pride. Therefore, he is definitely the tragic hero of this play.

Political Family Essay

Chapter 1 covers five parts: (1) Background and Theoretical Framework of the Study, (2) Statement of the Problem, (3) Significance of the Study, (4) Definition of Terms, and (5) Delimitation of the Study Part 1, Background and Theoretical Framework of the Study, presents the rationale for the choice of the problem. Part 2, Statement of the Problem, describes the major and specific questions that this study will seek to answer. Part 3, Significance of the Study, cites the benefits that could be derived from the findings of the study. Part 4, Definition of Terms, presents the conceptual and operational definitions of the key terms that will be used in the study. Part 5, Delimitation of the Study, specifies the scope of the study with regards to the variables, the participants, and the instruments that will be used to gather data. Background and Theoretical Framework of the Study â€Å"The family is the strongest unit of society, demanding the deepest loyalties of the individual and coloring all social activity with its own set of demands. † Jean Grossholtz (1964, 86-87) In the Third World, the elite family has long been a leading actor in the unfolding of the national pageant. More, specifically in the Philippines, elite families can be seen as both object and subject of history, shaping and being shaped by the processes of change. These families have provided a strong element of continuity to the country’s economic and political history over the century past (McCoy 1994, 1). In 1950s Robert Fox (1959, 6) described the Philippines as â€Å"an anarchy of families,† in which the Philippine political parties usually have acted as coalitions of powerful families. The rise of powerful political families was attributed to the Republic’s emergence as a weak, postcolonial state (McCoy 1994, 10-11). According to McCoy (1994, 13), after Spain and United States colonial rule, the Republic thus developed as a state with both substantial economic resources and weak bureaucratic capacity. It is this paradoxical pairing of wealth and weakness that opened the state to predatory rent seeking by politicians. Based on Migdal’s research (1988, 9) on Third World politics, he finds that the source of the state’s weakness—the social organizations such as â€Å"families, clans†¦tribes, patron-client dyads† continue to act as competing sources of authority. Despite the apparent influence and significant factor of the family upon wider society and its politics, most historians, both Filipino and foreign, have ignored this problem. According to Schneider (1969, 109-110), instead of studying and analyzing the Philippine political history through the paradigm of elite families, they have generally treated Philippine past and politics solely through as an interaction of state, private institutions, and popular movements. Even social scientists, despite an obligatory bow in the direction of the family, have generally failed to incorporate substantive analysis of its dynamics into rendering of the country’s social and political processes. Social science as often happens in the study of the Philippines thus diverges from social reality, according to Alfred W. McCoy (1994, 1). At present, there is still a lacking scholarly analysis of either individual Filipino families or family-based oligarchies. While other Southeast Asian societies have produced some useful biographies and autobiographies, the Southeast Asian regions still have little nondynastic family history that can serve as a model for future Philippine research (McCoy 1994, 2). One of the provinces in the Philippines that have no study about family-based politics is Aklan. The Province of Aklan is located in the Northeast portion of Panay Island. It was the oldest province in the Philippines organized in 1213 by settlers from Borneo as the â€Å"Minuro it Akean. † In 1565 Miguel Lopez de Legaspi landed in Aklan, and divided the â€Å"Minuro it Akean† five encomiendas which he distributed among his farming followers. Along with political change, the Spaniards introduced Christianity. In 1716, the area of the â€Å"Minuro it Akean† was designated as a province but it was called Capiz. After the Americans took the country from Spain in 1901, Don Natalio B. Acevedo, Aklan delegation head, presented the first memorial for the separation of Aklan from Capiz to the Junta Magna headed by Commissioner Dean C. Worcester. For the same purpose, the Aklanons in Congress filed numerous bills, including Urquiola-Alba bill in 1920, the Laserna-Suner bills in 1925 and 1930, and the Tumbokon bill in 1934. Aklan finally became an independent province when President Magsaysay signed into law the Republic Act 1414 on April 25, 1956. This was made through the efforts of Congressman Godofredo P. Ramos, and then the province was inaugurated on November 8, 1956. (Aklan Directory 2011, http://www. aklandirectory. com/aklan/, ret. 9/16/2012) Political families thrive in all but one province in the Philippines. From Batanes to Tawi-tawi, with the exception of Kalinga, members of political families hold public posts, both elective and appointive. GMA News Research has identified at least 219 political families that dominate the country’s political landscape. (2011, http;//www. gmanetwork. com, ret 9/30/2012) Like these provinces, Aklan’s history is also filled with family-based politics. In order to better understand the present political situations, studying the political history of Aklan in the lens of the familial perspective can led to discover new dimensions in our national history. The history of a political family in a particular province can be a microcosm of the kind of politics that happens in the Philippines. Thus, this study offers this perspective and understanding. Statement of the Problem This study is conducted to find out the political history of Aklan, through the case study in historical method of a selected political family in the province. Unlike Latin America, much more of the Philippine social research treated the country’s political history through its formal institutional structures rather than on the importance of the family and family history. However, it can be seen that in the works of several theorists and researchers like Wolf, Grossholtz, Kuznesof, Freyre, and Schneider, political families in the Philippines and around the world are found to have a more dominant force in shaping the society’s history including political, social, and economic institutions. Specifically, this study will seek to answer the following questions: 1. How the political family in Aklan emerged? 2. How do they maintain their influence in the province? 3. What are the family’s political practices to retain power? Significance of the Study. This qualitative research may be significant primarily to historians in analyzing the centrality of family-based politics to many periods and problems in the Philippine history. For social scientists, this study will help them delve the roles of family as a primary unit of political organization; and will serve as a model for future Philippine research. For political science students, the findings of this study will help them understand the influence of political families on the course of Philippine politics. This study will also help politicians to formulate political strategies and practices based on the history of a political family. Lastly, this study can be added as a significant literature on the political history of Aklan; as well as, it can provide meaningful information for other related literatures. Definition of terms For the purpose of achieving clarity of meaning and interpretation, the following terms were defined. The Case study approach as an empirical inquiry investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context. (Yin 1984, 24) The Historical method comprises the techniques and guidelines by which historians use primary sources and other evidence to research and then to write histories in the form of accounts of the past. (2012, http://en.wikipedia. org/w/index. php, ret. 9/30/2012) A political family is a family in which several members are involved in politics, particularly electoral politics. Members may be related by blood or marriage; often several generations or multiple siblings may be involved. (2012, http://en. wikipedia. org/w/index. php, ret. 9/30/2012) The Province of Aklan is located in the Northeast portion of Panay Island, and has a total land area of 1, 817. 9 km? which is composed of 17 municipalities. It has a total population of 495, 122 (NSO 2007 census), and Kalibo is the capital town. (Aklan Directory 2011, http://www. aklandirectory.com/aklan/, ret. 9/30/2012) Delimitation of the Study This study will be conducted during the first semester of the school year 2012-2013 until the second semester of the school year 2013-2014. This will be conducted among a purposively selected political family in the Province of Aklan. The case study in historical method will be used in this study to investigate the political history of the Province of Aklan. The researchers in order to collect detailed data needed in this study will employ participant observations, key informant interviews, directly interview the participants, and examine relevant records, documents, and reports. Chapter 2 Review of Related Literature Chapter 2 includes previous studies on political families which are divided into the International Context, the Philippine Context, and the Visayan Context. The International Context includes the previous studies on family-based politics and the history of elite political families around the world. The Philippine Context includes studies about the Filipino family and Philippines as a weak, postcolonial state that led to the emergence of political families. The Visayan Context includes case studies of two political families in the Visayas — the Lopez family and the Osmena family. Political Families The International Context In almost any country in the world, there are always leading political elite families that exist. A significant number of these families can be traced in United States, Brazil, and Mexico. In the United States, the well-known Adams Family of Massachusetts has been the subject of much autobiographical and biographical research. Meanwhile, the Pessoa family is popular as leading actors in Brazilian politics, and the Sanchez-Navarros’ family of Mexico is known for both wealth and power. For several decades, Latin American historians have used detailed microstudies of elite families to discover new dimensions in their national histories. As Gilberto Freyre (1964, 155 and 161), a pioneer in this field, once argued, anyone studying a people’s past will find that historical constants are more significant than ostensibly heroic episodes and will discover that what happens within the family is far more important than often-cited events in presidential mansions, in parliaments and large factories. Applying this perspective to Brazil, Freyre found that Brazil’s most distinctive elite families emerged in the sugar districts of the northeast during the sixteenth century- fusing land, sugar, and slaves to become patriarchs of â€Å"untrammelled power† or unlimited power and â€Å"total fiat† or absolute decree. Arguing that the patriarchal family still exerts a subtle influence on the â€Å"the ethos of contemporary Brazilians,† Freyre cites the case of President Epitacio Pessoa who in the early decades of this century was known as â€Å"Tio Pita† (Uncle Pita) in recognition of his penchant for appointing male relations to key government posts. Another historian, Linda Lewin (1979, 263) has produced some of the most refined historiographic reflections on the connection between familial and national history in her writing on the Pessoa family of Paraiba State in Brazil. By the late 1970s the field of family history was so well developed in Latin America that another Brazilian historian Linda Lewin (1979, 263) stated that the â€Å"family-based† approach to the political history as a â€Å"commonplace in Brazilian history. † Many historians had already employed the family historiography as an approach in discovering different dimensions of Brazilian political history thus making it popular around Latin America. Similarly, an essay by Felstiner (1976, 58) on the role of kinship politics in Chile’s independence movement began with the words â€Å"the importance of the family in Latin America goes unquestioned. † Many historical documents show that the leading elite families in Chile, such as the O’Higgins family, started the movements for independence against the Spanish colonizers. A decade later, Latin American historians were still unanimous in their belief that the elite family played a uniquely important political role in their region. Introducing eight essays, Elizabeth Kuznesof and Robert Oppenheimer (1985, 215) observed that the family in Latin America is found to have been a more central and active force in shaping political, social, and economic institutions of the area than was true in Europe or United States. Indeed, they found that institutions in Latin America society make much more social sense, particularly in the nineteenth century, if viewed through the lens of family relationships. As democracy flourished in the young Latin America, elite families engaged in the political arena and started to stabilize political institutions, such as the electoral system and civil society. Charles H. Harris, a historian, (1975, 314) stated that the Sanchez-Navarros’ family is one of the oldest and most influential families of Spanish descent in Mexico since 1577. The Sanchez Navarro family’s â€Å"latifundio† or an estate composed of two or more haciendas is composed of seventeen haciendas and covers more than 16. 5 million acres—the size of West Virginia. It is said to be the largest â€Å"latifundio† ever to have existed, not only in Mexico but also in all of Latin America. In Harris’ discussion of the acquisition of land, the technology of ranching, labor problems, and production on the Sanchez Navarro estate, and of the family’s involvement in commerce and politics, he finds that the development of the â€Å"latifundio† was only one aspect in the Sanchez Navarros’ rise to power. He also emphasizes the great importance of the Sanchez Navarros’ widespread network of family connections in their commercial and political activities. Reflecting their rich historical traditions, America have also produced impressive family histories. Political families are not a new concept in the United States. The Adams family of Massachusetts, for example, has been the subject of autobiographical and biographical research. (Musto 1981, 40-58) The Adams political family is one of the most prominent political families in United States history, originating in Massachusetts and having a profound impact on the development of the nation’s path from the 18th century and onwards. The family has produced numerous important New England politicians as well as two Presidents – John Adams (1797-1801) and George Adams (1851-1861) but also several ambassadors and literary figures. The children and grandchildren of the Adams family were raised with the idea that public service was expected of you. (2011, http://seattletimes. com/html/nationworld/2004164299_dynasty05. html, ret. 10/10/2012) Similarly, like other developed and developing countries around the globe, the history of Philippines is also shaped by elite families that play leading roles in the control and influence on institutions of the government. The Philippine Context The political families are the actors that have played in the political landscape of the Philippines and have shaped the outcome of the past and are engaged in shaping the future of the Philippines. The Philippine history should not only be viewed as the interaction of different institution of society such as the state, civil societies, the Roman Catholic Church, and the different popular movements. Instead, we should also dissect its political history through the paradigm of elite families. The importance of family-society relationship in the Philippines based on Jean Grossholtz’s description (1964, 86-870, â€Å"the strongest unit of society demanding the deepest loyalties of the individual and coloring all social activity with its own set of demands. † He then remarked that the communal values of family are often in conflict with the impersonal values of the institutions of the larger society. Many Filipino historians have been critical, and they generally disregarded the leading families and provincial elites in the Philippines on ideological grounds. Nationalistic historians have dismissed the country’s elites for being traitors and conformists to the colonizers. Teodoro Agoncillo (1960, 644-645), one the most famous historian in Philippine history, remarked that the ilustrados have betrayed the revolution. Renato Constantino (1975, 232), a contemporary of Agoncillo, called the same elites as collaborators. According to the founder of the Communist Party of the Philippines, Jose Maria Sison, the country’s elites were a small alien element – either rural feudal landholders or urban, comprador bourgeoisie as cited by Guerrero (1979, 234-249). According to McCoy (1994, 4), most Filipino biographies, the potential building blocks for elite-family studies, are more hagiography (idolizing biography) than history. Many of these biographies are funded by the family or the person that is the subject of these biographies. Biographers write as if death has cleansed what misdeeds their subject has done in society. Such accounts, McCoy added, are exoneration from the charges of their enemies, silence about their cunning or corruptions, and a celebration of their contribution to the nation. McCoy commented that the weak state and powerful political oligarchies have combined to make a familial perspective on national history relevant. The Philippines has a long history of strong families assuring social survival when the nation-state is weak. In the 20th century, the state has collapsed, partially or wholly, at least four times in the midst of war and revolution. After independence in 1946, moreover, the Philippine central government lost control over the countryside to regional politicians, some so powerful that they become known as warlords. In Philippine politics a family name is a valuable asset. A good name translates strongly to an advantage in polling. Believing that an established name carries cachet and qualification, parties often favor a promising scion of an old line when selecting candidates. Many Filipino politicians use their kinship networks (McCoy 1993, 10), to assure their ascension to power. A kinship network is a working coalition drawn from a larger group related by blood, marriage, and ritual. As elite families bring such a flexible kinship ties into the political arena, elections often assume a kaleidoscopic complexity of coalition and conflict, making Filipino politics appear volatile. It has a unique capacity to create informal political team that assigns specialized roles to its members, thereby maximizing coordination and influence. The Visayan Context Most of the well-known political families in the Philippines have political roots in their home provinces. Whether in the provinces of Luzon, Visayas, or Mindanao, there would always be certain political families that would dominate the political arena. The Lopez Family In Alfred McCoy’s essay (1994, 429-517) â€Å"Rent-Seeking Families and the Philippine State: A History of the Lopez Family† illustrates the close connection between state power and the private wealth by elite families in the Philippines. He says that in the Philippine setting, the study of a single rent-seeking family may be the most appropriate way of bridging the gap between western economic theory and the Filipino familial paradigm. Among the leading Filipino families, the Lopezes are, by virtue of their history, well suited for such a case study. Seeking knowledge of the family’s origins and early character, McCoy’s essay begins in the 1870s when the Lopezes enter the historical record as pioneer sugar planters on the plantation frontier of Negros Island. But early on 1850s, they already first appeared to be local merchants. Basilio Lopez served as one of Jaro’s cabeza-de barangay and later as a gobernadorcillo. The growth of their political and commercial influence paralleled the emergence of national political elite (McCoy 1994, 440-441). While the second generation consolidated property and position within a regional planter elite, their children made a successful transition to sugar milling and commerce during the 1920’s. In the five generations of the Lopezes it has a history of both skillful male and female entrepreneurs and politicians (McCoy 1994, 441-444). However, among the family’s twenty-six hundred descendants, it was Eugenio and Fernando Lopez, who initially raised the family’s position to first rank of national prominence. Backed by Eugenio’s growing wealth, Fernando Lopez was appointed as a mayor of Iloilo City for two years in September 1945. He quickly secured overall leadership of the province, relegating Jose Zulueta, his ally, to the position of perennial challenger. His career as provincial politician involved the using violence to advance their interests. In 1946 the Lopezes shifted their capital and residence to Manila. They traded in influence and avoided violence. No longer rooted in the land or dependent upon the social power of the provinces, the Lopezes came to depend upon the state, through the medium of presidency, for the financial and regulatory concessions that would assure the prosperity of their corporations. With the Lopez brothers’ relations with a succession of Philippine presidents, they prospered under the administration of their allies from their patron Quezon, Sergio Osme? a, Elpidio Quirino, and Manuel Roxas. In 1947, he was elected to the Senate. In 1965, the presidential candidate was Ferdinand Marcos. Fernando Lopez, despite his presidential aspirations, became Marcos’ vice-presidential running mate, creating a ticket that married private wealth to populist appeal. The Lopez alliance with Marcos was a strategic blunder born of tactical necessity. To insure the defeat of incumbent President Macapagal, the Lopezes had felt compelled to ally themselves with Marcos. Eugenio Lopez used his money, media, and machine to make Marcos president in 1965 elections. Not long after, Eugenio Lopez launched a major expansion and diversification program at Meralco. Again, with the Lopez support Marcos was reelected in 1969. In January 1971, however, a break occurred, which erupted into what may be the most public and vitriolic split in the Philippine political history. According to Marcos, the Lopezes were demanding concessions to advance their interests. According to the Lopezes, Marcos was demanding shares in their family corporations. Using the Manila Chronicle, the Lopezes began an attack, publishing exposes of graft within the administration. When a delegation of Tondo workers called upon the president at the battle’s peak, Marcos vowed: â€Å"we will crush the Lopez oligarchy to pieces. † After suffering five months of media criticism, Marcos finally sued for peace by paying a call on Eugenio at his Paranaque residence (McCoy 1994, 508). Sixteen months later in Marcos’s declaration of martial law, the Lopez family became the main target of his â€Å"revolution from above. † He used the same licensing powers that had built the Lopez wealth to destroy the family’s fortune and transfer their assets to a new economic elite composed of his own kin. Paul Hutchcroft (1991, 414-450), a political scientist said that, â€Å"using the state and its army, Marcos became the first president since Quezon to reduce the autonomy of provincial elites. He employed economic regulations, backed by threat of force, to pursue the main aim of his rule-changing the composition of the country’s economic elite. In Negros Occidental, for example, Marcos created a new stratum of supralocal leaders whom he financed with rents. On July 1975, Eugenio Lopez died of cancer in San Francisco while Geny Lopez remained in prison on capital charges. In the end, Marcos did not destroy the Lopez family’s accumulated legitimacy, contacts, and skills (McCoy 1994, 518). Marcos’s fall from power in 1986 heralded the restoration of the Lopez fortunes. In the restoration of the family’s fortunes under President Aquino, it is argued that Eugenio Lopez succeeded in handing down enough of his capital and skills to perpetuate his family’s position within the national economic elite. In his essay, McCoy (1994, 431) explains the role of rents for it has a good deal about the weakness of the Philippines and the corresponding strength of Filipino political families. As defined by James Buchanan (1980, 7-8) rents appear when the state uses regulation to restrict â€Å"freedom of entry† into the market. If these restrictions create a monopoly, the economic consequences are decidedly negative—slowing growth and enriching a few favoured entrepreneurs. Competition for such monopolies, a political process called â€Å"rent-seeking,† can produce intense conflict. Anne Krueger (1980, 52-57) has argued that in many Third World countries rents are â€Å"pervasive facts of life. † In India such restricted economic activity accounted for 7. 3% of their national income in 1964, while in Turkey rents from import licenses alone represented about 15 percent of the gross national product in 1968. In the Philippines, political economists have applied this theory to explain how the Palace’s rent-seeking courtiers after Marcos era used state power to plunder the country. Manuel Montes (1989, 84-148), a Filipino economist, argues that â€Å"the economic structure of the country stimulates, encourages, and provides the greatest rewards to ‘rent-seeking’ activities. † As evidence for this provocative reconceptualization of rent-seeking, Montes offers his readers a superficial catalogue of businessmen who have served regimes from Quezon to Marcos. â€Å"In the presidency of Manuel Roxas,† says Montes in a typical passage, â€Å"Soriano, Eugenio Lopez†¦ and Jose Yulo were influential businessmen. † The story of Eugenio Lopez illustrates that for over thirty years, he had used presidential patronage to secure subsidized government financing and dominate state-regulated industries, thereby amassing the largest private fortune in the Philippines (McCoy 1993, 429-430). In the Philippines, the succession of presidents has played partisan politics with the state’s economic powers, awarding loans and creating rents to reward the political brokers who assured their election. Underlying the executive’s partisan use of state power are political elites who fuse public office with private business. For the elites to justify the high risk of campaign investments, public office must promise extraordinary rewards. More than any other entrepreneur of the Republican era, Eugenio Lopez, Sr. , mastered the logic of political investment. The Lopez brothers, being the most successful rent-seekers, formed corporate conglomerates that relied in some way upon the state licenses. Since all of their major corporations were in some sense due to rent system, their commercial success involved a commingling of business and politics. Such a system leaves an ambiguous legacy (McCoy 1993, 435-437). Not only in Western Visayas had leading political families emerged as national actors but also a significant number are found in Central Visayas. The Osmena Family. Another political family that has long dominated the political landscape of the Philippines for many years since the beginning of the 20th century is the Osmena family of Cebu. The Osmenas rose to prominence when Sergio Osmena, Sr. was elected governor of the Province of Cebu and then as Speaker of the Philippine National Assembly during the American colonial period. He was eclipsed only in power by the political maneuverings that Quezon made to overpowering him in the National Assembly and capturing the post as the President of the Philippine Commonwealth in 1935. After World War II, Sergio Osmena, Sr. went back to the Philippines as President to establish his control as head of the government in the Philippine archipelago. Osmena’s son, Serging, later became the governor of Cebu and candidate for the Presidency in the 1969 election against Ferdinand Marcos. The present generation of Osmenas is still politically active in Cebu and in national politics. The Osmenas dominated the political world of Cebu not through the usual guns, goons, and gold that are usually used by their political rival like the Sottos, Cuencas,and Duranos. The Osmenas dominated the provincial politics of Cebu because they are highly skilled in the craft of politics. (Resil, 1993, p. 316) They are wealthy, but their wealth do not equate for their capacity to coerce people to vote for them. They use their wealth skillfully, by using it for political gains. They are not as rich as their opponents who have huge haciendas but they show their prowess as politicians during elections. Elections are an exercise deeply inscribed in the Filipino political imagination. Theoretically, an election provides the occasion for society to take cognizance to itself. This is the time when citizens are most self-conscious, a season of stock-taking, when voters reflect on their collective state and history and make choices about leaders, policies, and â€Å"futures†. The â€Å"democratic space† or surface that allows an unlimited range for diverse values and commitments is most visible in incumbents submitting themselves for popular judgement and candidates presenting ideas of government, in the public exchange of contrary views, and, finally, in the voter weighing his or her options and casting a ballot in the ritual’s inner sanctum, the polling booth. (Mojares 1993, 319) The reality of Philippine politics is not tidy. Intensive exploitation of mass media and propaganda techniques crowd public space during the electoral season. There are restrictions of thought and action; however, beneath the diversity and dynamism of election, these restrictions, according to Mojares (1993, 319), are an underdeveloped party system, elite dominance and ideological sameness of candidates, exclusion of those who fail to muster the considerable resources needed to mount a campaign, the subordination of issues to particularistic concerns, elaborate forms of terrorism and fraud, and the cultural baggage of traditional values of power and dependence. Elections, therefore, do not constitute a free field but are in fact, an arena in which the existing limits on participation are further exercised and enforced. In Philippine elections we have a case in which the elite or dominant class usually constructs political reality for citizens. This process may be seen in the centrality accorded to the election itself as field of action and a channel for effecting political change. In elections, obeisance is rendered to the â€Å"state† of the people are constituted or reconstituted as its â€Å"subjects†. In effect, the periodic holding of elections nourishes and renews the government’s system. In the process, it also tends to reify the existing system and deemphasize other areas of political work such as mass organizing, interest-group lobbying, and â€Å"armed struggle. †(Mojares 1993, 320) Elections, by their very nature, provide us with a concentrated expression of the process of ideological domination. This is one area in which Osmena phenomenon is important since the Osmena have built their dominance less on sheer economic power (though the use of such power was basic in their rise) or physical repression (though they were not innocent of its methods) than on their mastery of the instrumental aspects of electoral power building. From this they draw their distinctive character as Filipino kingpins. Skillful management of ideological practices takes precedence over reliance on superior economic leverage (as in the case of the Lopez family), a system of traditional patronage (as in the Durano Family), a mix of religion and militarism (as in Ali Dimaporo), or systematic electoral fraud as what the Marcoses did. The matter of ideology both as the world of social meanings and the politician’s stance in this world is germane to achieving an understanding of the Osmenas.

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Biodiversity - Essay Example The biological wealth has been threatened by the need for development leading to the interference with the ecosystem. The process of conservation takes the form of in situ and ex situ. The ex situ approach is the one in which the threatened species are conserved by being removed from their natural habitat. In situ approach entails saving the entire ecosystem to ensure all levels of biodiversity are protected (Andre?e 29). Special settings are established where special care is given. Biodiversity goes beyond political boundaries (Pearson 17). Therefore, nations are expected to cooperate in the biodiversity conservation. The operationalization of biodiversity by definition refers to the need to have the diversity of biodiversities (Pearson 17). Biodiversity is a humongous concept whose success is dependent on a pluralistic approach. Governments are turning to the use of technology to enhance agricultural productivity. Food production demands a conclusive commitment to biodiversity thro ugh addressing climatic change, genetically modified interventions and their impact and the role of bio-fuel in dealing with sustainability. Effective governance and research is expected to ensure soil and competencies of a farmer are properly utilized in the process. Biodiversity is vital for human survival and offers both direct and indirect benefits (Alkemade, Shrestha, and Trisurat 13). ... The diversity of biodiversities can be illustrated through the multiple endangered species in the aquatic habitat, land and even air. This demands cooperation among multiple stakeholders in conserving biodiversity and ensuring that effectiveness (Alkemade, Shrestha, and Trisurat 13). Conserving biodiversity calls for international commitment in terms of taxation, controlling poaching and sale of illegal animal products (Pearson 17). This can only happen through protection of some areas, regular environmental assessments and stakeholder participation. Biodiversity is related to global food production. The concept of food production is related to the weather patterns, global warming and its effect on ecosystem and biodiversity. Some of the inherent difficulties of dealing with biodiversity include the role played by international stakeholders in enhancing developmental prosperity. Biodiversity is eliminated when food production is low. Some of the solutions involve dealing with climati c changes which are affecting food production (Pearson 17). In order to ensure is adequate food production, there is an urgent need to have increased stewardship on the current natural resources. In includes protecting wetlands and cropping intensity (Alkemade, Shrestha, and Trisurat 13). The potential for food production is expected to growing in the developing countries that invest in political stability and economic growth. This includes agricultural research that shall lead to a better understanding of biodiversity ad productivity. Intense agricultural research is being cited as a major cause for consideration of genetically engineered organisms (Pearson 17). This can be referred to the artificial transfer of genetic material

Kingston Charcoal Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Kingston Charcoal - Research Paper Example However, there is a concern in production regarding the adequacy of Kingsford's existing capacity. Grilling has been described as a passion and a way to party of common Americans during celebrations and occasions, the Clorox Company, founded in 1913, decided to acquire Kingsford Charcoal as one of its products in 1973. Kingsford Charcoal is the one of the 50 products and the largest product group that Clorox Company markets around the world to consumers. It represented around 9 percent of Clorox's revenues in the year 2000. In addition to this, in the charcoal grilling business, Kingsford is the leading in sales, constantly getting more than 50 percent of the market share from 1997 to 2000. This is as opposed to Royal Oak's 14.2 percent share in 1997, which then gradually declined to 6.4 in the year 2000, and the constant range of 33 to 34 percent of market share of private label. Charcoal briquettes are manufactured from wood, minerals, limestone, starch, borax, sodium nitrate, and sawdust in a two-part procedure. These charcoal briquettes were packaged in its present condition in blue bags and sold as Kingsford Charcoal as either "regular" or "blue bag." In addition, other briquettes are treated with Kingsford lighter fluid and sold as Kingsford Match Light in red bags, packaged as either "instant" or "red bag." Both types of briquettes were available in three sizes: 10 lbs., 20, lbs., and 48 lbs. for the regular or blue bags; and 8 lbs., 15 lbs., and 30 lbs. for the instant or red bags. Kingsford Charcoal briquettes Size and Pricing Regular or Blue Bags Instant or Red Bags 10 lbs. $4.25 8 lbs. $5.20 20 lbs. $6.78 15 lbs. $8.07 48 lbs. (2 x 24 lb. bags) Not available 30 lbs. (2 x 15 lb. bags) Not available Table 1. Various packaging sizes with prices of both types of Kingsford Charcoal briquettes. The largest sizes were usually just available in club stores like Costco amd Sam's Club. However, food stores and supermarkets, merchandisers, and drug stores, and Wal-mart, carried a variety of the other smaller sizes. The prices given varied by type and size, and it has been found that the main competitors of Kingsford, Royal Oak and private label brands, were cheaper than Kingsford by 25 to 30 percent. Key Success Drivers The business of Kingsford Charcoal was seasonal, with its peak of 60 percent between the period of May 1 and September 1, which covers the holidays Memorial Day and 4th of July. These two holidays represent about 35 percent of Kingsford's annual sales. Aside from the holidays, another factor that Kingsford sales are dependent on is the weather. When the weather is good, the tendency for sonsumers is to think that it would be a great time to barbecue. In this essence, a big part of the sales are from impulsive purchases. Factors to Consider Pricing The team of Smith Boyle and Warren found that there was a narrowing price gap because of

Principle of Affirmative Action Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Principle of Affirmative Action - Essay Example Hence, affirmative action involves in treating a minority class or group differently in order to provide improved opportunities to obtain certain good. There are trends to associate affirmative action with two lines; one is with compulsory quotas undermining the meritorious qualification and the other is with inequality where fairness is compromised for a preferential selection process. The origin of affirmative action can best be traced back to the Executive Order No.10925 of 1961 where then US President John F. Kennedy has urged federal contractors to take affirmative action to ensure prospective job applicants and federal employees were treated in an equal manner without regard to race, creed, color or national origin. Later on, creating a definitive affirmative action policy, then president Lyndon B. Johnson expressed the need to go further by discussing how companies should increase their efforts to ensure minorities and women would have real opportunities for employment and pro motions. Thus, the aim of affirmative action is to eliminate discrimination and increase the representation of traditionally disadvantaged groups (Faundez, . 1994). For example, United Steel Workers of America, a union and Kaiser Aluminum and Chemical Corporation made a voluntary agreement to correct the years of racial discrimination against Black by reserving 50% of the openings in a training program sponsored by the corporation till the discrepancy was discarded. .

Creating and marketing a new product Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Creating and marketing a new product - Essay Example In relation to the present trend of this respective business industry, it can be viewed that customers are highly inclined towards buying handmade soft toys including souvenir items and stuffed animals among others for different purposes (Toy Industry Association Inc, 2012). In this regard, the primary purpose of this essay is to create an effective marketing plan for new product i.e. handmade soft toys, which could be legally sold in the UK business market. 2. Marketing Strategy 2.1 Market Entry Strategy An effective market entry strategy typically involves various strategic decisions in relation to various influencing factors of host country. The organizations in the present competitive business world tend to incorporate adequate measures while seeking to expand their business units into different overseas business markets (Kotler, 2001). In order to attain a large consumer base in the growing handcrafted or handmade soft toy industry, the initial stage of the play will be focused on analysing the present trends along with the demands of the consumers towards the respective industry. In this regard, an effective consumer analysis will be conducted, which in turn can enable the organization in identifying the desired needs along with the preferences of the target customer group in the market. The product will be marketed under the flagship of Toys R Us, one of the leading toy retailers which currently operate more than 1500 retail toy stores across different business locations of the world (The Toys R Us, 2013). Marketing of handcrafted or handmade soft toys under the flagship of Toys R Us would enable to attract huge figure of customers across the growing UK market. Additionally, the admired brand image and enhanced customer reliability can be duly considered as effective strengths for the proposed product, which can grasp the attention of the consumers in the long-run. 2.2. Target Market and Segmentation Strategy Targeting along with segmenting appropriate g roup of customers can be regarded as an effective strategy, which can facilitate the marketers to attain superior competitive position in any business field. Moreover, the marketers in the present competitive business environment are highly focused on targeting a particular customer segment in order to build a strong brand image in any respective industry (Goi, 2009). In this regard, the target market and segmentation strategy relating to the product of handmade soft toys will be focused on differentiating consumers into two broad segments. First segment would be targeting the children within the age group of 2 to 6 years in the form of delivering handmade soft toys to them and second segment will be targeting young adults through presenting handmade showpieces. This can further enable the organisation to obtain more customers in the UK market. 2.3 Marketing Mix Strategy 2.3.1 Product Product can be regarded as one of the core attributes for an organization, which depicts the image of the company and also ensures to predict its future growth in any respective industry and/or market (Kotler, 2001). In relation to the proposed marketing plan for handcrafted or handmade soft toys, the product would be focused on collecting exceptional soft toys and stuffed animals that are made from quality based materials and textiles in a fully furnish process. 2.3.2 Price The pricing strategy of a new product can be further considered as an essential factor, which can enable an organization to

I Am the Way and the Truth and the Life Theological Study Essay Example for Free

I Am the Way and the Truth and the Life Theological Study Essay Jesus answered, â€Å"I am the way and the truth and the life. No one comes to the Father except through me. â€Å" When examining a Biblical verse, it is important to understand the historical context in which it’s written. Originally recorded by John, Son of Zebedee, whose main purpose in writing his Gospel can be found in John 20:31, â€Å"But these are written that you may believe that Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God, and that by believing you may have life in his name. , is Jesus’ declaration â€Å"I am the way and the truth and the life. No one comes to the Father except through me†. The passage of John 14:6 is part of an extensive conversation that Jesus had with his disciples during the â€Å"Last Supper† on the eve of the Passover Feast. Immediately preceding the statement, we read that Judas has been identified as the betrayer of Jesus and that Peter will deny Jesus three times before sunrise. Jesus has just advised his followers that he will be leaving them soon and He is attempting to comfort them. This one statement which focuses on the four thoughts, â€Å"way, truth, life, and coming to the Father†, is in essence a â€Å"recipe† for Christianity and completely fulfills the prophesy of the coming Messiah in the Old Testament. In examining the first word â€Å"way†, we find numerous accounts of The Way in the New Testament. The Way was a term used within the Jewish community to identify the â€Å"sect† of Jesus- the true Israel- as opposed to the Pharisees, Sadducees, Essenes, and the Zealots. We can see an example of this usage by Paul in the text of Acts 24:14, â€Å"However, I admit that I worship the God of our fathers as a follower of the Way, which they call a sect†¦Ã¢â‚¬  There are also Old Testament accounts such as in Isaiah 35:8 which speaks of the joy of the Redeemed, â€Å"And a highway will be there; it will be called the Way of Holiness. The unclean will not journey on it; it will be for those who walk in that Way; wicked fools will not go about on it. † Jesus is the Way. He is the only way to Salvation; He is the only way the Father. Looking at the second word, â€Å"truth†, we can obtain a direct definition from the Expository Dictionary, in which the Greek translation means the â€Å"truth of God†. We can find many references to the word truth in the Bible. John 14:16-17, 1 John 4:6, and 2 John 2 contain multiple references to the Spirit of Truth and John 15:26 declares â€Å"When the Counselor comes whom I will send to you from the Father, the Spirit of Truth, who goes out from the Father, He will testify about me†. In John 14: 9, Jesus says â€Å"†¦ Anyone who has seen me has seen the Father. And in verse 11, He says â€Å"Believe me when I say that I am in the Father and the Father is in me†¦Ã¢â‚¬ . The Truth is Jesus is the Christ- the Son of God, the personification of God, and part of the Trinity. Life, the third main word in the verse refers to Eternal Life. This is affirmed in various biblical verses such as John 3:16 â€Å"For God so loved the world that he gave his o ne and only Son, that whoever believes in him shall not perish but have eternal life†. There are also several verses such as in John 5:40 and Acts 3:15 where Jesus is referred to as the Author of Life. In John 1:1-5 we can find the Prime Author idea expanded upon with â€Å"In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. He was in the beginning with God; all things were made through Him, and without Him was not anything made that was made. In Him was life, and the life was the light of men. The light shines in the darkness, and the darkness has not overcome it†. I do not believe it was an accident that Jesus was crucified in conjunction with the Passover Festival. Jesus became our sacrificial lamb and shed his blood so that the judgement of death would â€Å"pass over† us and allow us to obtain salvation.

College Rhetorical Analysis Essay Example for Free

College Rhetorical Analysis Essay In this lengthy article â€Å"Guns Don’t Kill People, the Mentally Ill Do,† that was published in the Townhall Daily, the author, Ann Coulter, argues about a major prevailing issue today, gun control. She believes the problem isn’t the guns themselves, but the mentally disturbed people. Coulter credits the declining mental health system as the main setback. She supports her argument by providing tragic examples from mass shootings that took place in the past. One example was the 2011 shooting that took place in Tucson, Arizona where the shopping mall shooter, Jared Loughner was so obviously disturbed that he stated â€Å"If I stay long enough to make the yearbook, I will be voted the Most Likely to Commit Murder. † She also explains the most recent shooting that happened at Sandy Hook Elementary. The shooter, Adam Lanza, first shot his mother on the morning of December 14, 2012 because she supposedly was trying to have him committed to a mental institution, which is what triggered his rage. After he cold-bloodedly killed his mother, Lanza progressed on to Sandy Hook Elementary and proceeded to murder twenty children and six administrators. Coulter is a conservative columnist and political commentator who has mostly written about government and legal issues. A number of her articles are targeting a particular audience. For example, liberals, Barack Obama, the National Rifle Association, and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) just to name a few. Seven of Coulter’s best works are on the New York Times bestsellers list. Similar to this article, some of her previous works are written about gun control issues and targeted toward Obama and the Senate Democrats. Obviously, this is not the first time the issue has come up that Coulter has written about it. Some of her best works on gun control include â€Å"Ending Gun Violence Requires Commitment, Not All of it Voluntary,† â€Å"Negro’s with Guns,† and her most current article â€Å"Guns Don’t Kill People, the Mentally Ill Do.† What motivated Coulter to write this article were the many cases of mentally disturbed people carrying out mass shootings and the world glorifying the murderers with press, while the NRA was taking the blame. She states, â€Å"Innumerable studies have found a correlation between severe mental illness and violent behavior.† She provides evidence from these studies with statistics. For example, â€Å"Thirty one to sixty one percent of all homicides committed by disturbed individuals occur during their first psychotic episode.† She adds, â€Å"Which is why mass murderers often have no criminal record. There is no time to wait with the mentally ill.† Coulters purpose for writing this argument is to persuade her audience that closer tabs need to be kept on people who are suspected as being the least bit mentally disturbed. She believes if it is made easier to emit people into mental institutions, there would be less violence. Coulter also argues that if one is suspected as being mentally disturbed, it should be simple for them to be evaluated by a psychologist. Coulter’s intended audience is the general population, Barack Obama, and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU). Throughout various parts of her argument she pleads to individuals working in the mental health field to put more effort in separating mentally disturbed people from civil society. During a time like today, where mass shootings have happened within the last few months, are people more prone to pay attention to gun control issues. Especially on the forum that this article is published on. Most people that comment on â€Å"Guns Don’t Kill People, the Mentally Ill Do† are supporting Coulter’s argument. This argument first appeared on January 16, 2013 after Coulter did some researching about mass shootings i n the past. It responds to the most recent shooting at Sandy Hook Elementary. Coulter states, â€Å"Enough is enough, the public needs to know and understand the danger behind mentally ill individuals.† Her main claim is that there aren’t enough precautions being taken when it comes to suspecting someone of being mentally disturbed. There are several reasons given in support for her claim. Seung-Hui Cho, who committed the Virginia Tech massacre in 2007, had been diagnosed with severe anxiety disorder as a child and placed under consistent treatment but the college was prohibited from being told about Cho’s mental health problems because of federal privacy laws such as HIPPA laws (Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act). Another example is when one of Loughner’s (Tucson, Arizona shooting) teachers, Ben McCahee, filed numerous complaints to the school against him, hoping to have him removed from class. McCahee stated, â€Å"When I turned my back to write o n the board, I would always turn back around quickly to see if he had a gun.† Coulter goes on to say, â€Å"Committing Loughner to a mental institution would have required a court order stating that he was a danger to himself and society.† Ann Coulter adds to the examples when she informs the audience of James Holmes, the Aurora, Colorado shooter. He was under psychiatric care at the University of Colorado long before he shot up a movie theater. After Holmes made threats against a professor, he was asked to leave the campus, but he wasn’t committed. Coulter claims â€Å"People knew he was deeply troubled and just pushed him into society to cause havoc elsewhere.† Finally, when talking about Adam Lanza, the Sandy Hook shooter, she states â€Å"Connecticut’s laws are so restrictive in terms of the proof required to get someone committed that Lanza’s mother would probably not have been able to get him help even if she had tried.† The article, â€Å"Guns Don’t Kill, the Mentally Ill Do† was found on a website as an essay. It is a lengthy article that includes an intro, a thesis, support paragraphs, and a closing paragraph reproving the thesis. Coulter represents herself as a respected columnist who is very educated on laws, especially regarding civil rights. â€Å"A Connecticut native, Coulter graduated with honors from Cornell University School of Arts Sciences, and received her J.D. from University of Michigan Law School, where she was an editor of The Michigan Law Review. She is the legal correspondent for Human Events and writes a popular syndicated column for Universal Press Syndicate. In 2001, Coulter was named one of the top 100 Public Intellectuals by federal judge Richard Posner. After practicing law in private practice in New York City, Coulter worked for the Senate Judiciary Committee, where she handled crime and immigration issues for Senator Spencer Abraham of Michigan. From there, she became a litigator with the Center For Individual Rights in Washington, DC, a public interest law firm dedicated to the defense of individual rights with particular emphasis on freedom of speech, civil rights, and the free exercise of religion.† Ann Coulter is a very trusted columnist. She uses facts based on mass shootings in the past and provides evidence by using statistics and quotations from insiders. Although Coulter doesn’t invoke an emotional response, she bases much of her article on morality. â€Å"Guns Don’t Kill, Mentally Ill Do† is a satirical piece due to her ridicule to the ACLU throughout her argument. In conclusion, Coulter argues that there is much more precautionary steps that can be taken when someone is suspected of being mentally ill. She closes the argument by stating â€Å"It is nearly impossible to have mentally disturbed people separated from society because the ACLU has decided that being psychotic is a civil right.† She adds, â€Å"Consequently, whenever a psychopath with a million gigantic warning signs commits a shocking murder, the knee jerk reaction is to place yet more control on guns. By now, guns are the most heavily regulated product in America. It hasn’t worked. There are still subway tracks, machetes, fists and bombs.† For example, the most deadly massacre at a school in United States history was at an elementary school in Michigan in 1927. It was committed with a bomb, by a mentally disturbed man.

The History Of Cyber Predator Media Essay

The History Of Cyber Predator Media Essay It has been said that the internet is to information and social networking as fire was to the caveman (Hudson, 1997, p. 7). The internet is a wealth of information, some of which may be used in research, continuing of education, as a tool to communicate with old friends or discover new acquaintances. For others, its a place to spend time shopping, for some a way to travel to far off places, for a few, a place to express anger and to bully the unsuspecting. For the perverted, its a place to entice and prey on the youngest web surfer and lure them into the deepest, darkest place the net has to offer. The cyber predator lurks on the internet with the most deceitful and cunning intentions, continuously attempting to attract the innocent to satisfy their own perverted sense of pleasure. Cyber Predator The internet has ignited excitement for learning on a global scale. Adults and youth alike surf the internet for the purpose of shopping, social networking and occasionally the thrill of the instant message or chat. A false sense of security combined with the perception of anonymity, with little regard for personal information obscures the dangers that lurk beneath a mesmerizing facade. Online interactions can expose youth to an insidious danger that can expose their safety and literally become a threat to their well being. What is this major threat that can harm the most internet savvy youth of today? With the exponential growth of online social networking, within sites such as MySpace or Facebook, predators lurk with intentions that reach far beyond friendship. Social networking sites are the fastest growing forms of universally accessible communication. The knowledgeable cyber predator already has this figured out. Between the years 2007 and 2009, MySpace evicted 90,000 profiles of convicted sex offenders (ABC 2009). Preceding 2007, 29,000 sex offenders had been identified and removed from the social networking site. These networking sites have become the new playgrounds for our youth. The Predator Who is the cyber predator? Look around at the next PTA meeting, church social gathering, or soccer game. They could be your Priest, Rabbi, doctor or lawyer, family friend or the neighbor next door. The cyber predator does not wear a sign, they are not of any particular age or race, and they rarely announce their intentions. They hide with anonymity. Picture a middle aged man, lonely, maybe a widower, divorced or who has lost the spark in his marriage. While surfing the web, a fantasy develops of a younger woman, looking for an experienced man, someone to show her the way. During one of his trips into cyber space he finds his way into one of the many famous on-line chat rooms, looking for romance in his local area. There he meets an exciting young girl, the one in his fantasy. At this point, its not important what they have in common. They chat for a while and agree to chat again. Over time, he thinks the relationship is developing. He begins to gains her trust. They exchange email addresses and phone numbers and manages to get her home address. Emails are sent, many photos are exchanged and eventually the phone call is made. The meeting is set. But wait, she is not really 18. Was that part of the fantasy? He begins to build her confidence and trust into what she is looking for in an online relationship. She seems so mature at times, yet naive and innocent without many of life experiences. He will show her what she needs to know. He convinces her to meet would be acceptable. Well just meet, talk and get to know each other. The meeting is set. He has bought her a gift. He will buy her dinner and all will be fine once she gets to know him. Its just an innocent meeting, right? Or is this a common method of the predator? Todays scheming predator relies on the internet and support groups to aid in the identification and methods to exploit children (Davis, McShane, Williams, 1995). They often use false profiles to lull parents into a false sense of security about the strangers presence within the family structure (Mahoney and Faulkner, 1997). This false sense of security often aids in the deception of what actually is occurring. They use their knowledge of computer technology as a method to gain the information they are desperately seeking. The expertise and skills they possess is not strictly related to collecting child pornography, downloading and trading of encrypted pornographic photos and movies, or searching peer to peer file sharing sites. This is only part of their pattern of behavior. The crafty predator searches the social networking sites, blogs, online game rooms, surveys and contests for details containing personal information such as; club affiliations, school names, neighborhood friends , parents names, addresses or locations that might be significant in their future search. From there, they begin their search in one of the popular search engines, keying off of a personal name, names of parents or step parents, addresses, friends names or the name and address of a school. They might get lucky and come up with a few personal pictures or additional details to help them extend the search. For the unsuspecting, the details provided in chat profiles can contain a wealth of information. But what does the predator look for? What are the details for that perfect match that will be the enable for him to proceed and get to know his a found friend? The Victim In todays fast paced world, the internet has a way of providing immediate feedback; some of that feedback can be a fun and thrilling challenge. The fast response of the chat can be filled with humor, sarcasm, or trust for developing friendship. For the unsuspecting, it can be a place to share feelings and the frustrations of their young life. More often then not, many kind sympathetic strangers will be willing to lend an ear, offer advice, or just listen to ones problems with their parents. Children are often naive and trusting of others and simultaneously are in need of attention and affection. In the vastness of the cyber world, its easy for a skilled predator to pick up on the signs of loneliness (McKenna Bargh, 2000) and befriend the young and impressionable. With advice and a kind word, they seem compassionate and more understanding than their parents. On the outset, they share the perception of common feelings. As the chat progresses, the skillful predator is looking for someone who seems lonely or maybe detached from their families. The victim now has a new friend, someone who seemingly understands their problems better than their parents do. With the illusion now set and with a little convincing, the problems seem magnified and a secret alliance is now formed. For the young victim, it is not clear they are chatting with a seasoned pro, the online predator. The Method When one thinks of the child predator, the vision of a stranger showing up at the playground with candy and photos of lost puppies comes to mind. This common or traditional method of child victimization, usually involved a target that was in close proximity; sporting events, youth activities or church groups and the resulting abduction was quick and with devastating results. Today, the new playground is a virtual world, and the predator hides in cyber space. In contrast, with past scenarios, the predators of today typically have a large number of attempts and a small number of successes. Their process is slow and gradual, building a trust as they progress towards getting to know their victim. This clever manipulation is commonly referred to as Grooming. Grooming involves a skillful process of manipulation typically initiated through a non sexual approach, designed to entice the victim into a sexual encounter (Brown, 2001). The predators friendship is the initiation into the grooming process. The exploitation is unhurried and measured; without reference to anything sexual, over time this gradual process intensifies. Through ongoing interactions, online conversations, gifts, and phone calls the child begins to lower their inhibitions and no longer perceives the predator to be an outsider. This close bond is the enabler that creates a victim more likely to comply with sexual advances. After months of this online relationship, the childs def ense mechanism is gone and the predator is now viewed as a peer. Todays youth is exposed to pornography in many different ways. Accidental exposure may result from a mistyped word in search engine or spam emails. Others may seek pornography on-line or freely share provocative pictures of themselves to friends and peers. This exposure, accidental or not, has desensitized the youth of today to pornography. All forms of youth exposure pornography have aided the methodical predator in his online quest for sexual solicitation. Gradually, the predator exposes the child to more pornography and begins the acceptance process of the child to nudity. Over time, he gradually suggests the child photograph themselves in sexually provocative poses, then pass along the photos, convincing them that this will help validate the relationship. The predator may send child pornography, hoping to stimulate curiosity and convince the child that sexual relationships with adults is accepted and widely practiced. Once again, building on the relationship, the predator knows, the closer the bond, the more likely the victim will be to comply with sexual advances. Once the stage is set, it is easy for the confident predator to arrange and establish the face to face meeting. The unassuming victim, over time, may have learned to trust the predator more than their own parents and nothing will stop them. The predator, having convinced the victim they live locally, may travel great distances to facilitate the meeting. As seen in the popular television series, To Catch A Predator (Dateline NBC) many predators are caught up in the moment and do not see anything wrong with their intentions. Others know exactly what they are doing and will go to great lengths to preserve the relationship to satisfy their perverse behavior. Summary A year long survey conducted in 2001 of 129 internet-initiated sex crimes involving victims age 17 or younger, found face-to-face meetings had occurred in 74 percent of the cases. Ninety three percent of those encounters included sexual contact. Seventy-five percent of the victims were girls. A large number of the victims report they had willingly met and had sexual encounters with the predator (Lewis, Miller, Buchalter, M. P. AR. 2009). Researchers have concluded the increase in online child exploitation can be directly linked to increased internet accessibility and anonymity as well as the commercialization of exploitive material and the production and dissemination of digital imagery. By 2005, ninety one percent of all children had access to the internet (Whitaker, Bushman, 2009) and sixty six percent stated they had no parental supervision while using the internet. The first line of defense in preventing children from becoming victims of online predators must be the parents and primary caregivers. A communicative parent-child relationship, appropriate sexual education and parental participation in child internet activities are critical factors in preventing children from falling victim to the online predator.